From a conversation between Renato Leotta and Davide Daninos. Lisboa, September A special thanks to Palombar, for its contribution in the production of the centerpiece of this exhibition. Renato Leotta Turin, lives and works in Turin. Sanna, Sassari. Um abrigo, uma fronteira, um objeto religioso, uma escultura. O registo ocorre quando o vento sopra do oeste. Renato Leotta Turim, vive e trabalha em Turim.
The first exhibition will present works by Renato Leotta and Kate Newby. Renato Leotta Turin, Italy, Lives and works between Sicily and Turin will present TEMPO , consisting of a photogram in silver gelatin print, an image at first sight misterious, abstract and unclear. The photographical paper has been immersed directly in the sea water during a night of a full moon, exposed for a certain time, and then immediately hand developed. The concept of Time, one of the main ongoing interests of the artist, is rendered visible through the registration of the water movement.
In his practice, Leotta tries to collect meaningful details of the landscape that are then formalized through experiments rooted in his ever-present interest for photographical strategies and means. In this way, the final work touches very high lyrical points maintaining a strong connection with a very personal, human set of gestures and narrating the relationship between the human body, the landscape and time.
Kate Newby Auckland, New Zealand, Lives and works between Auckland and Brooklyn, New York will present one glass sculpture installation and a number of works in ceramic, that give shape to what seems to be stones, sponges, fossils, minerals, eggs and pieces of ice.
The distinction between natural and artificial elements collapses in these objects that seem to descend from the collections of Wunderkammer of the XVI and XVII centuries. Renato Leotta Turim, Italia, It consists of a number of thin metal sheets that had been modeled and embossed in order to let appear on their surface parts of a human figure caught in movement, froze in the simple action of walking up a step.
Each metal part is supported and kept in position on the floor by a modular structure made of coloured wood. The partition of the slab recalls the composition grid, a tool for visual space organization, commonly used to maintain the proportions and provide coherence to the whole composition when three-dimensional objects are transferred into bidimensional images or in the passage between two different scales. It also reminds a chessboard or a puzzle, since each piece is mobile: the entire installation has been conceived as a dynamic structure open to different configurations and combinations, a ductility also suggested by its horizontal format.
Depending on the arrangement of the modular squares, the depicted subject will be consistent and legible, or it will be fragmented into an abstract mosaic of more or less recognizable elements. The representation of the moving body in the futuristic avant-garde consists in its fragmentation and re-composition, creating a synthesis that includes the effect that the environment exerts on it, conveying also the density of the space in a mutual deformation of body and space.
Between figuration and abstraction, the silhouette on the metal surface is also halfway between a two-dimensional pictorial representation, with its shadows and light areas, and an all-round sculpture, close to a bas-relief, but lying supine. The title of the installation, Plasma , with its various meanings and etymological complexity, reflects the implications inherent in the work. In Greece, however, atom is the word taking this same role; a person, as an atom, is essentially individual; that is, structurally indivisible. That is why plasma has been used to define the liquid component that holds the blood cells in suspension, the substance that the blood cells float in.
From being the creature, the thing shaped, it became a shapeless element, an active, invisible component, an element in between that holds united atoms and particles, designating also the fourth state of matter, the obscure energy of which stars are made of. During the months of the exhibition, the composition will be periodically reshaped according to different combinations and thus the figure will remain both static and in permanent motion. His recent solo exhibitions include: The Shakiest of Things, Kim?
His recent group exhibitions include: Illusion and Revelation. When she woke up, she no longer knew her own identity. Only later did she reflect with satisfaction: I am a typist and a virgin, and I like coca-cola. The human body — the female body — is the protagonist of the videos presented in the exhibition.
All the works share a performative attitude in which the body, rather than getting dressed to regain or let recognise its own identity, gets naked, literally or metaphorically, to lay bare the conventions through which it is still often interpretated, even showing its weaknesses. Through this powerful yet uncomfortable striptease, the body is revealed to be the critical ground for a reflection about race and gender. The premise of violence is sublimated by the calm gesture of the performer who, while exposing her own fragility, questions the roles of victim and aggressor.
Untitled shows the close up of a left arm and hand continuously caressed by the opposite right hand. Self-touch gestures, considered by psychologists as a therapy to combat anxiety and loneliness, express in the video the strangeness of the objectified body. In this case, it is the artist herself who, all dressed up, lies down on the ironing board and is carefully ironed by the houskeeper, who pursues her task as if there were nothing strange going on. Parente was one of the pioneers of Brazilian video art and participated from to in some of the most important video art exhibitions in Brazil and in foreign countries.
Her video Trademark has become an emblem of Brazilian video art. Between and , she conceived paintings, drawings, objects, photographs, audiovisual works, postal art and photocopies, videos and installations in which the experimental and conceptual dimensions predominate. Leticia Parente published several books, among them a work about the philosophy of science called Bachelard and Chemistry Joanna Piotrowska Warsaw, Poland, lives and works in London.
Hispania. Volume 74, Number 3, September 1991
She mainly works with photography, but also film and performance. Each of the series of works is characterized by a conceptual base that informs the project and that dictated the process of shooting. Siwani works predominantly in the medium of performance and installations, she includes photographic stills and videos of some performances. She uses the videos and the stills as a stand in for her body which is physically absent from the space. The collective iQhiya, of which Buhlebezwe Siwani is part, has been invited to Documenta O coletivo iQhiya, do qual Buhlebezwe Siwani faz parte, foi convidado para a Documenta The entire concept of the show is originated by an analysis on the subject of the Forest that, apart from being a natural asset, represents a cultural heritage: the history of western thinking seems to be deeply rooted in the Forest.
The Forest topic is also an foundamental element in literary tradition, especially in the chivalric romance, as the woods represent the realm of adventure, of the unknown, where the knight has to prove himself. Troughout history, a very ambivalent relationship has been established with the forest: on one side, it has been negated and antagonized because seen in contradiction with civilization and progess, as every human settlement starts from a deforestation; on the other, it is connected with nostalgia, where this environment is thought as an authentic experience, where it is possible to find our own true self through isolation from society, a manifestation of modern individualism.
The artist extrapolated these elements, and sabotaged them in order to feature the disorder, the wildness that is deeply present in the forest, where irrational forces arise, beyond the will of transforming the woods into a place for knowledge. The project is presented in the form of a painting show, as in the art form that most deals with subjectivity.
A series of canvases seem to be smeared with a natural element, looking like mud, in contrast with the presencence of an industrial-looking fluorescent orange. Vintage, New York. Sarmento Fortifications, post-colonialism and power. Ashgate, London. Schultz Tropical Versailles. Routledge, Oxford. Sidaway, M. Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23, — Jacobs Planetary postcolonialism.
Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 35 4—21 J. Sidaway, P. Teo, V. Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 28 2 , Can Cabinda follow the example of South Sudan? The aim of this paper1 is a reflection on the problem of secessionism in contemporary Africa in the context of postcolonial borders maintained because of the uti possidetis principle, on the example of Cabinda and South Sudan. South Sudan after decades of fighting gained political independence, breaching the principle established during the decolonization period, concerning the permanence of colonial borders in Africa.
Cabinda, similarly like Western Sahara and Somaliland, or Biafra in the past, is still fighting for independence and calling for international political maps to be redrawn and formed around explicit idea of creating a new state. All of the countries mentioned above continued their fight at a greater or lesser degree of intensity throughout the entire post-Cold War period. The national border is defined in international law as a line, or more strictly as a plane, within which the national territory is contained, separating it from the territory of another state or the territory not subjected to the state jurisdiction.
The border as a dynamic element of a state is also an instrument of its policy2. In a systemic approach a border is one of the elements constituting the state as a set of institutions, defining the extent of its territory, the scope of its sovereignty and enabling it to function in the international environment. The borders are also a determinant of national identity - combined with a sense of unity and territorial cohesion, which can be changed by wars, revolutions and internal unrest3.
The idea of - contemporary understood - borders was not known in the pre-colonial Africa, where they were not lines or planes, but uninhabited buffer zones, toward which nobody claimed any rights and through which the tribes used to move freely. Due to the low population density, large areas of available land and extensive agriculture, in Africa there were no investments in cultivated lands, as almost always it was possible to change them over for different ones, more fertile in a given period.
The lack of demographic pressures led to the absence of territorial disputes, so common in Europe or Asia at that time. While on other continents the power of the state was evinced in the area of subordinated territories, in Africa its measure was the exercised authority over large populations, completely unrelated with territorial sovereignty, because of the fact that unlike in other parts of the world, the authority over a specified area did not have to mean exercising power over the population that inhabit it4.
Hispania. Volume 76, Number 4, December | Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes
Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa. Thoroughly examined and well known were only the territories of the Arab countries in Northern Africa, and Southern Africa. Therefore, the boundaries of the colonies in Sub-Saharan Africa were drawn on the maps according to the will of the European negotiators.
In many colonies within the same borders, were put together the long-time hostile tribes or ethnic groups which also differed in religion5. There is no doubt that the rules of European powers and their colonial policy stamped on the whole continent, and the consequences of this policy reflected in the historical events that are visible till today, even in the current international law.
The simplest explanation for this sometimes artificial straight borders in Africa is that they were drawn in such manner where the costs involved in demarcating borders were too high. This was especially the case of the regions with low population densities such as desert Sahel and Sahara regions, as well as the forests of central Africa.
The region became then an extension of the relations of the European colonial powers7. The uti possidetis principle was for many years supported by the practice of the African states, categorically opposing to the secession of the territories of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, Nigeria, Ethiopia or Angola. The validity of application of the principle, which enabled a quick decolonization, was not questioned during the whole period of the Cold War.
However, the shape of the African borders and the principle supporting their durability, which was created to bring peace after the withdrawal of the colonizers, have become the cause of many civil wars, which seem to be a natural stage of state-building processes in the African countries.
In the period preceding the independence of South Sudan, there were voices raising the need of leaving the criticized and not meeting its objectives principle uti possidetis, as well as allowing the African states to adjust their borders to topographical and ethnic realities, what would contribute to unfettered development of natural state-building processes on the continent.
However, the opponents of departing from uti possidetis principle notice that although it is not perfect, leaving it behind will cause an outbreak of numerous new intrastate and interstate conflicts, entailing death and suffering of millions of people, as well as the balkanization of the African continent. As it has been already mentioned, the creation of South of Sudan and, almost 20 years before, Eritrea is the only major change in African borders after the decolonization10, and stood in a clear contradiction with the principle uti possidetis.
It resulted also in the reflection over a real legal meaning of the principle and the future of its application in Africa. Queued to challenge the artificial postcolonial borders are standing, among others, Biafra in Nigeria11, 9 Pascal G. The war resulted in around , military casualties and between , to 2 million Biafran civilians who died mostly due to starvation. Today, although the expression of secessionist demands is forbidden in Nigeria for ex. Ostaszewski ed. If we try to look at South Sudan, which as a result of breaking the uti possidetis principle gained independence in July , we could, in fact, observe some similarities with the situation of Cabinda.
Just like the territory of South Sudan for the Republic of Sudan, Cabinda also because of the same reason, has now a strategic importance for Angola. However, oil was not the only problem for the North. The other confrontational issue which could be a seedbed for future conflict was related to the waters of the Nile. After independence South Sudan became the third richest country in natural precipitation in sub-Saharan Africa.
Being the source of more than twoCase Studies. See more: Salman M. Moreover, Cabinda is also rich with other valuable resources or crops, such as coffee, timber, palm oil and rubber In consequence, if Cabinda was an independent state, it could be one of the richest countries in the developing world in per capita terms.
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The differences are, however, significant in terms of chances to gain independence. Clearly, it translates to possible prospects of the armed forces. According to the statistics SPLA fielded an army numerically equal to the army of the Republic of Sudan, although, of course, inferior in terms of armament. Portuguese and later against the Angolan government. In the course of the war SPLA received a large help from the outside, while Cabinda cannot count for any help from outside.
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However, for many years the Angolan government was trying to prove that in the awakening of the Cabindan separatist activity there were engaged some foreign forces, blaming the Republic of Congo or the DRC, and pointing out that it was in fact nationalism with Congolese tendencies and even raising engagement of the French petrol company — Elf The territory remained under the tight control of the Angolan government and there was no sign that this would change. What little quasi-governmental apparatus the Cabindans built remained largely outside the territory. The region was severely stricken in October when the government sent around 30 Angolan troops that could be deployed after having defeated the UNITA rebels in fact, among them there were also recently incorporated ex-UNITA soldiers Obviously, Cabinda has no geographic border with Angola, although the key point here is rather the argument that it was a separate Portuguese colony what makes it entitled to independence.
In its Charter, the self-declared government of the Republic of Cabinda emphasizes two further points: first, that Cabinda was recognized as distinct from Angola in Portuguese Constitution; and second, that in the Organization of African Unity recognized it as being decolonized African country, distinct from Angola. From the other side in Portugal, when it became known that Cabinda had oil, broke the Treaty of Simulambuco and made Cabinda a full province of the Colony of Angola.
The Alvor Treaty granted Angola independence within its existing boundaries, meaning — together with the Cabinda province According to Jean-Michel Mabeko-Tali to understand the Cabindan question it is necessary to take into account three factors. Second is to understand socio-economic and identity issues. Finally, 20 In the earlier period the Portuguese had already included Cabinda to its colonial possessions, what was recognized by the Portuguese British Alliance Treaty of , and reconfirmed by the convention signed by those countries in Williams, op.
The complexity of the socio-economic issues in Cabinda is based, first of all, on the ethnic cultural and linguistic relation of the Cabindan population with the Kongo people Bakongo living in the Republic of Congo and in the DRC It is worth to emphasize that the Cabindans having a common ethnic and linguistic Kikongo language identity not only had been reunited within concrete territory under the Treaty of Simulambuco , but also have the tradition of economic migration to both countries mentioned before Republic of Congo and the DRC.
Moreover, in the Republic of Congo former French colony the Cabindans are also present on the national political scene, even occupying important, high-level positions such as Prime Minister Alfred Raoul and Antoine Dacosta or President Alfred Raoul as an interim president in Their nationalism at that time could be called rather micronationalism, although sometimes encouraged by the Congo-Brazzaville26 elites, it was not a threat to the Portuguese, as their form of protests was rather verbal The main strategy of separatists is the internationalization of the Cabinda question.
To achieve this goal, there have been a number of efforts to involve former metropolis in the process again, with a declared aim of persuading the Portuguese state to resume its supervisory role in accordance with the famous Simulambuco Treaty. This strategy seems to have a little chance of success, because whatever political option governs in Lisbon, it cannot afford to openly confront Angola on this issue in the situation of the increasing Portuguese commercial interests and their importance, especially now in the time of economic crisis Although in there was a ceasefire signed by the Angolan government and one of the separatist groups — FLEC-Renovada.
The most radical factions of FLEC attempt to maintain the military pressure on the ground. This event overshadowed the situation in the Cabinda itself, becoming a good excuse for the Angolan security forces to conduct arbitrary detentions among Cabindan intelligentsia and critics of the MPLA rules, as well as the acts of violence toward the people accused of sympathizing with FLEC.
This issue was raised repeatedly in the reports 28 Tony Hodges, op. However, it must be also stressed that the incident with the Togolese football team was not an isolated case. During the last 20 years different factions of FLEC used such means of violence as hostage-taking and kidnapping activities, not only to pursue their political aims, but also because of the economic reasons, what can be considered as an ordinary criminal act Southern Sudanese resistance groups split and fought many times against each other.
Sometimes they took up arms against the central authoritarian government together with northern opposition groups, but it also happened that some fractions of the SPLA went even further and supported the Khartoum government against other southern groups as once did Riek Machar. What also varied were the political aspirations of the Southerners: from immediate secession, through regional devolution, confederation and recognition of non-Islamic nature of the Southern society.
Moreover, the Southerners were also divided by ethnic-regional differences and personal rivalries between their leaders33, the fact which is still present in Southern Sudanese political life in the post-independence period, having its culmination in the civil war that erupted in December and turned into severe ethnic clashes The project to end genocide and crimes against humanity, 3.
In Cabinda also there is and there was a large variation of views on the future of the province. As the separatist movement was much factionalized, some of the groups opted for a large autonomy within the Angolan state, for others only a total independence was really worth fighting for, among the latter there were supporters of immediate independence, but it was also possible to find those who agreed on the transitional period before a complete decoupling In South of Sudan in January approximately 99 per cent of voters opted to secede from the north, which led to the formation of a new state in July This type of secessionist settlement is something different and new in comparison with Cabinda and other cases such as the Casamance or Western Sahara that may have started with strong separatist aspiration but usually are forced to end up with self-determination options within the existing state.
In case of the governments in Luanda, Dakar, Rabat or Mogadishu this kind of consent is not likely to be obtained. The so-called absent pillar of the Angolan strategy toward Cabinda is the strong reinvestment of the petrodollars in the troublesome province, so as to gain some local support, or at least minimize the impact of the separatist discourse The same mistake had been committed for many years by the government in Khartoum, which deliberately did not invest in the south, leaving a widening gap in development between the north and the south of the country.
In the South Sudanese case the conflict ended in secession but as the recent years show, it did not end the problems of South Sudan. Since there is still ongoing conflict with the Republic of Sudan over the delineation of the border, and since South Sudan is in the state of a civil war. What scenario is waiting for Cabinda, it is hard to say, but considering the long-standing and protracted character of the conflict, the solution will not be easy to find. Para entender esses termos vamos, primeiramente, sintetizar teoricamente acerca do papel do Estado na sociedade.
No Brasil, esse debate tomou corpo no final dos anos O Brasil conta com um sistema extenso de rios e lagos. Acesso em. Rio de Janeiro: Zahar. Salto de qualidade. M da Capitalismo e Liberdade. Os Economistas. BBC Brasil. Entrevista concedida a Clara Ramon. Teoria geral do emprego, do juro e da moeda.
- Tutta la vita (Piccola biblioteca Adelphi) (Italian Edition).
- The Killing Code (Beach & Riley Book 1);
- Identity in (Inter)action: Introducing Multimodal (Inter)action Analysis (Trends in Applied Linguistics [TAL]).
Global Investment Trends Monitor. O Estado atuou como agente catalisador. Esses recursos foram viabilizados em parceria do Governo Federal com os governos estaduais. Enquanto que somente a partir de se verificou o crescimento dos mesmos noutros estados do litoral brasileiro. Em ,. Segundo os em-. Acesso em maio Acesso em dezembro Santiago, Chile: Naciones Unidas. Chesnais, F. Breda, M. Gomes, L. Regional Science Inquiry, Vol. HVS International Brasil. Os Investimentos Portugueses no Brasil. Jornal Correio Brasiliense. Acesso em julho Kondo, A.
Lisboa, Pestana Hotels. Acesso em 25 maio Secretaria da Cultura e Turismo. Silva, J. Prospectiva e Planeamento, Vol. Acesso em 26 maio Lisboa, Instituto de Defesa Nacional, Contra Capa. Rio de Janeiro; Apicuri, Assuntos de Defesa. Este parece ser o instrumento mais desenvolvido. Lisboa, IDN, O seu Tratado Constitutivo foi aprovado em maio de South-South migrations are not a new phenomenon.
According to the data provided by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs in 42 per cent of migrants in the world were residing in developing countries, in other words, Although since South-North migration has been the main driver of global migration trends, it is the South-South migration that remains the largest category3. The main perspective in creating this kind of division is based on differences in the achieved level of development rich North versus poor South and today, 1 This number was slightly higher that the number of the international migrants who were born in the South and were residing in the North — Ibidem, p.
The tendency in was a bit different — it was the first year since when the number of South-North migrants outnumbered South-South migrants for the first time.
In fact, irregular migrants probably are even more common in the South-South migrations than in the South — North ones. Historically, the European colonialism in Africa and Asia established some patterns of migration, in which the mobility of the colonized peoples was controlled by the colonizers in order to direct them to the places where labor was required. With the end of colonialism there was also another significant pattern of migration — post-colonial refugees movements caused by prolonged liberation wars or post-independence civil conflicts which forced millions of people to flee their homes and search for refuge mostly in the neighboring countries not counting millions of internally displaced persons, IDPs 5.
The scale of the South-South migration is often believed to be understated, as many of the cross-border movements in the South remained undocumented, especially because very often to cross some land borders there are only minimal if any formalities required or the borders themselves are not guarded6. The author presents also a wide choice of terms used to name developed and underdeveloped areas. Although the numbers of this South-South migrations can be inaccurate, it is possible to enumerate at least the most important reasons that stand behind them: proximity, existing networks, income differences, seasonal patterns, flight from ecological disaster or civil conflict, transit to the North, and petty trade.
As it was mentioned before almost 80 per cent of known South-South migrations take place among the countries which share a common border. A large part of the rest occur in the close circle of neighboring countries which do not share a common border. The drivers here are definitely the costs financial, social and cultural which are significantly lower while migrating to the nearby countries, furthermore the ethnic, religious or family communities are spread across borders especially in Africa , what also contributes to the decision to migrate to neighboring territories. These ties reduce the costs and create migrant networks.
On the African continent and not only there the networks tend to magnify migration flows, a good example can be a significant number of Swazis, Tswanas and Basothos in South Africa their presence derives from the 19th century tribal movements. Income differences do not seem to be the main driver of the South-South migrations as about 38 per cent of identified migrants come from the countries with higher income than their host country.
However, in the developing countries even small income differences can make a change for potential migrants. Some people migrate taking advantage of seasonal weather patterns, for example, in West Africa, because of the regional seasonal variation of agriculture activities, the seasonal migrations can be the most common form of cross-border labor mobility. Individuals may also cross border to sell goods mostly in small quantities , for instance as street. Although this kind of movement is not strictly classified as migration, it is often connected with a temporary residence, for example, both Mozambicans into South Africa and Angolans into Namibia for many years have crossed for trading.
Finally, probably the most obvious reason behind the South-South migrations are an escape from war or natural disasters. It is often the first step in seeking asylum, as the majority of the refugees and asylum seekers are located in the developing countries7. The same as South-South migrations, the migration from the Horn of Africa is also not a new phenomenon, however, the number of people who is fleeing the region has never been so high as in the recent years.
According to the International Organization for Migration the largest increase of refugees globally in took place in the region of East Africa and the Horn of Africa8, and this number does not count other type of migrants for example, labor ones. Also the reasons which stand up behind the migration in the Horn of Africa are much more interlinked, including economic, social, political and environmental factors. General weakness in border and migration management regimes, together with already mentioned cultural and ethnic factors present in the South-South migrations, facilitates the regional movements of migrants but also has a very destabilizing impact on the whole region.
Among the potential causes of the large increase of the refugees and other types of migrants in the Horn of Africa region there are continued armed conflicts, droughts and floods leading to food insecurity and rendering the local populations homeless, forced displacements, very high unemployment rate especially among the youth and other economic and security issues Humanitarian news and analysis, The Southern route which can go further beyond the Kenyan territory15 is far less known and there is not much reliable data indicating the number of the irregular migrants fleeing the region in this direction.
However, what is quite certain, most of the migrants come from Ethiopia and Somalia In the majority of cases the destination is South Africa, but as the number of migrants in South Africa itself is not precisely known and current estimations can vary a lot, it is also hard to estimate the exact number of those coming from the Horn of Africa Kenya orders all refugees back into camps, Al Jazeera, July , Regional Mixed Migration Secretariat, 7. John Campbell, How many immigrants does South Africa have? The concerns about the exact number of the African immigrants.
The typical route of Somali or Ethiopian migrants more rarely also Eritreans heading south start when they try to reach by land or by sea the Kenyan port of Mombasa, from where they begin their dangerous passage along East African coasts. After a long journey by boat they are usually dropped off by the smugglers on the Tanzanian coast near the town of Mtwara, not far from the border with Mozambique which is marked only by the River Rovuma.
The alarming information about human rights violations committed against irregular migrants from the Horn of Africa some of them were definitely refugees in the northern Mozambique had already been known before , for example by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNHCR 19, although the Mozambican authorities kept denying or ignoring the problem; in the Mozambican Deputy Foreign Minister Eduardo Koloma was received in Mogadishu by Somali officials to discuss the question of Somalis being jailed in his country, nevertheless, the treatment of the migrants from in South Africa were also perceived by the author herself during interviews with South Africans while staying in SA in January After having arrived to Mozambique, they used to be directed to the Maratane Refugee Camp in Nampula Province Rapale district, 17 km from the city of Nampula which normally can accommodate 5, long-time residents.
In the past the majority of them used to be from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi and Rwanda. However, even when the stream of the migrants from the Horn of Africa started to flow in, as long as the number of the new arrivals was more or less equal to the number of the departures, the authorities did not perceive any serious problems Rather unexpectedly at the beginning of the number 20 Mozambique beats Somali migrants, Tanzania frees them, SomalilandPress. The most difficult problems to deal in the camp according to the interviewees are: alimentation, water supply, and access to education.
From this moment on the conditions in the camp were often described as dire, mostly because the existing facilities were not sufficient for the increasing number of new refugees Because of this difficult situation, the Mozambican authorities started to impose restrictions and measures to control the movements of asylum seekers outside the refugee camp. The Somalis and Ethiopians that were on their way toward Mozambican-South African border were being stopped by the police and returned to the Maratane Refugee Camp, there was also information about the illegal deportations of migrants caught by the police or border guards near the border, refusing them entry to Mozambique, as well as about some shootings that occurred in the northern province — Cabo Delgado Apparently, it seemed like the uniformed services or, perhaps, local authorities did not remember that Mozambique is a party to the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees CRSR from and to the Protocol relating to the Status of Refugees27 from In the first of the mentioned reportage, Deutsche Welle, 2.
Difficulties of living in the Maratane Refugee Camp have been also noticed by the Mozambican press where it has been pointed out not only the problem of food supplies or sanitary conditions but also the fact that many camp residents are desperate to improve their life and enter a criminal way, engaging in thefts, ivory smuggling or prostitution. The Mozambican side explained the arrests made by police by their compliance with the law which in Mozambique grants to asylum seekers freedom of movement inside the country, but first they have to complete the registration process inside the camp, and whole procedure can take up to three months.
By: F. Pages: i—xix. Pages: 21— Pages: 84— Pages: —