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Agency Financial Reports. Yet delivery of the petition by an all-white delegation from the UK suggests NGOs need to take more care with the politics of representation.

Human Rights and Democracy: the 2017 Foreign and Commonwealth Office report

I had suggested that Dr Sen might include comments on the implications of colonialism, considering this a crucial theme. Yet colonialism was passed over quickly: ,This is a … British legacy left to most colonies. Unfortunately this emphasis had the effect of downplaying the ongoing relevance of colonialism, rather than opening up discussion — both in economic and cultural terms, such as through racism and language, or for strategies of representation.

Meanwhile Dr Sen gave Peter Tatchell friendly praise for initiating action in the Commonwealth via close engagement with her Human Rights Unit from — without noting preceding interventions by Sexual Minorities Uganda in , or any strategic limitation in his intervening alone without southern allies.

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How then should the Kaleidoscope approach be interpreted? Sen certainly shows that simple criticisms of white male organizations are outdated. The Commonwealth is entwined with elite networks in UK society, particularly through its London-based Secretariat. The Commonwealth remains entwined with such elite networks of power centred in London, which helps explain how sympathetic engagement with this organisation has emerged as a key strategy for leading UK LGBT NGOs without enough postcolonial understanding.

We should consider this via the sociological tradition from Weber acknowledging power distinct from class and status, including C. Purna Sen is not coming from an elite background. Yet it is useful to reflect on the elite networks which she has joined. A few talented individuals from ethnic minorities in the UK have always been drawn into elite networks of postcolonial governance, adopting universalist moral discourses insufficient to address global power relations.

Nevertheless some improvement in the Secretariat should be acknowledged, to a new context in which a feminist like Sen has used a broadly intersectional discourse of human rights, articulating rights together for women, disabled people, LGBT people and those experiencing racism. What a radical politics requires is more conscious, visible and sustained alliance building between North and South as indicated in our concluding chapter.

The discourse of human rights needs to be accompanied by systematic practices of representation to de-centre the elites of London, the UK and the Commonwealth. Allowing southern activists and governments to lead is particularly important. In , on a panel with Minister for International Development Lynne Featherstone MP and Alistair Stewart, I argued the need for formerly colonized southern states which have decriminalized to be encouraged to take a leading role — using the example of the Bahamas. The international movement for LGBTI Human Rights in the Commonwealth needs more than a discourse of human rights universalism, even if intersectionally highlighting interdependence of rights.

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Further, we must criticise Commonwealth elites for insufficiently challenging economic and social structures of global inequality shaped by imperialism.