Overall, the total number of combatant casualties in the Ottoman forces amounts to just under half of all those mobilised to fight. Of these, more than , were killed.
However, four out of every five Ottoman citizens who died were non-combatants. Many succumbed to famine and disease, but others died as a result of population transfers and massacres, including at least one million Ottoman Armenians, whose deaths are still subject to significant debate in Turkey and internationally today. Turkish collective memory of this period is coloured by these events.
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It lost its status amongst the great empires and, with it to some extent, its role in Europe. It is therefore no surprise that British individuals and organisations operating in Turkey, such as the British Council, sometimes encounter a degree of mistrust or resentment. Young people in Turkey are very aware of the consequences of the First World War. On the surface, the findings from this survey look like the UK and Turkey put similar weight on the importance of the First World War. Just over half of British respondents 52 per cent said it was one of the three most important international events of the past years, compared to just under half of Turkish respondents 49 per cent.
The survey also reveals that 90 per cent of Turkish respondents felt that their country is still affected by the consequences of the First World War. Finally, less than ten per cent of UK respondents are aware of the Sykes-Picot Agreement mentioned above, whereas the figure for Turkish respondents is higher than 40 per cent.
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Knowledge of this agreement, too, is most widespread in the youngest age group — where almost half of respondents knew about it 49 per cent. They still have the power to colour Turkish people's perceptions of the UK in a negative way, and they are likely to continue to do so. View the discussion thread.
The discussions we had with community members were informal, more a trust building exercise than anything else, and leading to invitations to return for more in-depth discussions in the future. The village mayor in Pembe left invited us to return and talk to the mothers, young people, and anyone else we would like to meet in the village. Each village encounter was enlightening in different ways.
They helped to build a picture of how communities perceive the Red Cross, and how -- either through our own progammes or by referring them to other organisations -- we can better support people's efforts to cope with the challenges they face from day to day. CAR is one the poorest and most unstable countries in the world. The crisis and widespread fighting that triggered the fall of the regime, a period of transition, and eventually presidential elections in led to the collapse of an already weak socio-economic infrastructure and basic services.
The security situation also remains highly volatile as a result of ongoing fighting which is taking a heavy toll on the lives and livelihoods of the civilian population. We feel safer there than if we stay at home. The mothers spoke to us citing their fears and concerns about the fighting.
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Sitting on the roots of a tree, around which the village had gathered, Maxim was nevertheless hopeful that with a little help, he and his friends could do more than talk. Better still, if you could show us some movies it would make everyone happy.
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It was not such a far-fetched idea as it might seem in this remote rural part of CAR where there is no electricity and the roads are little more than potholed, red laterite ribbons snaking through the forest. Some of the larger villages possess a communal generator, providing light on rare occasions when they have fuel. In almost every village people lamented the lack of medical services and the scarcity of water.
They all want to go first. Jean-Robert, the traditional leader in Bogassa, explained that there is only one water pump for 1, people in the village.
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A young woman sitting nearby echoed his words. In CAR, it is not only the men who are in positions of authority, but often women, too.